AHD-IER (Watkins, 2011) P97 gives PIE *man-e- for L. maneō:

Variant suffixed (stative) form *man-e-. MANOR, MANSE, MANSION, MENAGE; IMMANENT, PERMANENT, REMAIN, from Latin manere, to remain.

while EDLIL (Michiel de Vaan, 2008) P374:

PIE *mn-eh₁- 'to remain'.

at a stage preceding the Latin unrounding of *mo- > *ma- in open syllables. In particular, initial m- could have played a rounding role in this process.

In P21, only find this one:

7.1 *o > a /b, l, m, w, kʷ_CV (Lat. badius, canem, lacus, lanius, manus, mare)

How can the vowel a in maneō reflect from PIE *men- "to stay, stand still"?

PS: this topic is related to this 2019 paper Ablaut and the Latin Verb Aspects of Morphophonological Change, and the author has the same conclusion that none of the proposed PIE form can be safely accepted without problem.

  • 3
    What exactly is your question? The stem man- from PIE *m-n- seems straightforward; are you asking about the -eō part (how the Latin second conjugation came about)? – Draconis Jun 25 '19 at 3:03
  • @Draconis Hi, I came accross this 2019 paper (edoc.ub.uni-muenchen.de/24098/1/Leppaenen_Ville.pdf) where in p70, the author thinks this is not straightforward, as "I think that the current scholarship is not conclusive enough to show which ablaut grade Lat. manē- actually continues, and which changes it has undergone" – archenoo Jun 25 '19 at 14:28
  • Ahh, so your question is something more like "which particular PIE form led to maneō", rather than "does maneō actually come from *m-n-"? If you edit to make that clearer, I think it'll attract better attention. – Draconis Jun 25 '19 at 16:30
  • Calvert Watkins, not Watkin. – Alex B. Jun 26 '19 at 14:26
  • @AlexB. Sorry for my bad memory, I have corrected it. – archenoo Jun 26 '19 at 15:04

TL;DR: Nobody's sure, and none of the proposals are universally accepted.

It's pretty clear that maneō came from the PIE root *m-n-, which has plenty of cognates across the IE world. But if I understand right, that's not what you're asking about.

The consonants come straight from PIE, and the -e- of the second conjugation is well-understood. The real mystery is the -a- in the middle. Most often, -a- comes from the laryngeal *h₂ (or *h₁ or *h₃ in Italic), but there's no sign of a laryngeal in this root.

The paper you've linked gives a number of different ways this might have developed, from big names like Sihler, De Vaan, and others. You've already read what they have to say on the matter; I'll add my own slightly more far-fetched theory.

Latin man- may perhaps have come from the zero-grade stem, *mṇ-. In Latin, this would have regularly developed into *men- or *min-, via (according to Meiser, in Klein's Handbook) some sort of intermediate *mẽ-.

But in the closely-related Sabellic languages, Meiser's * instead becomes an in stressed (i.e. initial) syllables: compare Oscan fanguam "tongue (acc)" against Latin linguam (<*dẽgwām), or Oscan anter "between" against Latin inter (<*ẽter).

So it's entirely possible that the Latin *men- was affected, or possibly even replaced, by the Sabellic *man-. This is attested with other words, such as lupus "wolf" (instead of the expected *lucus), which shows the Sabellic shift of * to p instead of the Latin *k / u_.

Unlikely? Perhaps—I can't find any actual attestation of a Sabellic verb *man-, though the sound changes involved would be regular. But I've never seen a more regular explanation than this: they all require some sort of irregularity (in this case, the Sabellic influences). So I have to agree with Leppänen: "the current scholarship is not conclusive enough to show which ablaut grade Lat[in] manē- actually continues, and which changes it has undergone."

  • Thanks for your answering, I never heard this theory, and I do think it is possilble neighbouring languages affect latin, great point! – archenoo Jun 26 '19 at 15:12

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