Are there any languages that distinguish fewer modal categories in the negative than they do in the affirmative?

I can think of one example of a language, Burmese, that appears to show fewer tense-aspect distinctions in the negative than in the affirmative, but I'm curious whether there are any examples of a similar phenomenon for mood.

According to this chapter on symmetric and assymetric negation, Burmese has a negative particle that partially occupies the slot taken by a tense-aspect particle.

I can't tell based on the article or the original dissertation whether the morpheme bí (glossed as PERF) is perfective or perfect.

((s)he) goes/went.

((s)he) will go.

((s)he) has gone.

((s)he) does/did/will not go, has not gone

The original source of the examples is this dissertation.

The dissertation is available on Wikimedia commons here.

Here is the PDF and the data is on page 13 by internal numbering (15 by PDF numbering).

  • 1
    What do you mean by 'modal categories'? Is it only tense-aspect-mood or person and number are also included? In the latter case, Estonian is an example, since Estonian verbs distinguish 3 persons × 2 numbers = 6 affirmative forms in each tense, but there's a single negative form of each tense, no person or number is distinguished in the negative.
    – Yellow Sky
    Sep 26 '21 at 5:55
  • By modal categories I meant distinct moods. For example, a language with a distinction between the imperative and indicative moods in the affirmative but not the negative would count as an example of this. Now that I think about it, Burmese itself might count as example if the potential (which is glossed as a realis future in English) really is irrealis. Sep 26 '21 at 22:39

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