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37

English has been spoken in New York for hundreds of years while Hebrew was only revitalized in the late 19th century. The British Isles are said to have more varieties of English than the rest of the world combined, while English spoken in Australia, for instance, is only beginning to develop geographical variation. What is evident from this is that age ...


28

You’re right that there is very little regional variation in Modern Hebrew accents (though there are a few street market and schoolyard slang differences). Israel is a small, well-connected country with fairly homogeneous media consumption, so this is perhaps not that surprising. That said, there are certainly ethnolect and sociolect accents. The big ...


17

Indeed, the Ancient Greek word εὕρηκα would be transcribed heurēka, with an H. The mark that looks like an apostrophe (the "rough breathing" or "spiritus asper") indicates the H sound. However, the word came to English through Latin, which is why it's pronounced with the accent on the second syllable instead of the first (as in Greek). ...


13

Also note that most of the growth of Israely Hebrew follows the invention of the radio and telephone. Radio and television are believed to be major harminizors of accents.


12

IPA can be used to render any dialect or accent you like. (Here's an example where IPA is used to show differences between two dialects of English.) It can be used in a narrow way, transcribing more precisely the sounds of a particular accent; or in a broad way, ignoring certain distinctions in favor of larger features. English itself has no standard ...


12

Here's a paper that's addressed a similar phenomenon of the different realizations of /θ/ between Cantonese and Sichuanese speakers, both of which are dialects of Chinese and share similar phonetic inventories. The paper conducted production and perception comparisons between Cantonese and Sichuanese native speakers as to explore the reason for different ...


9

Native Polish born in Upper Silesia here. Here is my answer: When a native Silesian of older generation (say, 60+) speaks standard Polish, he/she has a strong regional accent which includes following features: Nasal vowel ę before consonants, is completely decomposed and shifted towards 'yn'. Std. Polish 'ręka' is typically pronounced renka with a slightly ...


9

This is a great question without a clear answer. People have struggled to find the answer since the 1970s: Here is my 2002 paper with many references listed in Appendix A. See also my dissertation on the topic. There are many cases of two languages or two dialects with the same or similar phonological inventories (the same phonemes), which substitute ...


8

Whether we call something a "phoneme" or not depends on the kind of theory and analysis. It’s just an arbitrary tool of description. Some linguists will lump together tones and vowels/consonants as "phonemes", if your definition of "phoneme" is some property of speech that distinguishes meaning. In other analyses tones may be categorised separately as "...


7

Most famous is probably Nadsat, created by Anthony Burgess for the novel "A clockwork orange". There is also a common artificial argot used in English literature spoken by uneducated people or criminals. It has a name, but I have forgotten it and therefore don't have a handy handle to it. Characteristic for it are left out consonants (th, r) replaced by ...


7

The main reason is that you're looking at phonemic rather than phonetic transcriptions. IPA can be used for both; the way you usually distinguish is that you use slashes for phonemes, brackets for phones.1 So your linked example, /səˈlɪs.ɪt/, is phonemic. A phoneme isn't a sound, it's an equivalence class of phones used by a particular language. For ...


6

In traditional grammar the verb BE was considered as a main verb (or lexical verb) when used on its own in a sentence. It was only considered an auxiliary when it was used as part of a passive construction or a continuous construction. However, we now understand that auxiliaries are a grammatical class of words that have the same grammatical properties. ...


6

As the other poster indicated, accent is the application of native phonology to another language. However, if someone grows up speaking two languages, they would necessarily have less of an accent than someone who speaks just one language. Two languages necessarily have a larger phoneme inventory than just one, which means the speaker has more native ...


6

I think, the accent with which the narrator speaks in Frank Zappa's rock opera "Thing-Fish" is an example of a constructed English accent/dialect. Correct me, if I'm wrong, and that's a real dialect spoken somewhere, but I've never heard anything like that. The narrator says ['lembəˌtɔːriːz] for 'laboratories', ['pouʃəm] and [sə'luʃəm] for 'potion' and '...


6

The problem is that "minimal pair" refers to two distinct words in one language signified by the choice of one vs. another sound. So minimal pairs are not what you want. You want a list of "same word" pair between the dialects. The Oxford English Dictionary is pretty much the definitive work on English (you may need to access the online version, which gives ...


6

Oftentimes we have documents that talk about how things were pronounced, especially when they criticize people for how they talk (the Romans were rather famous for that). Texts like poems are also very helpful for knowing where words would have similar pronunciations or stresses, and can even help demonstrate sound evolutions despite spelling being the same....


6

There are a number of speech-form clusters in the world, that is, genetically related languages which are so structurally similar that they are said to be "dialects" of a language – e.g. Saami, Shona, Somali, Luhya, Chinese, Arabic, Kurdish, Quechua and Mongolian. You might say that the various Saami languages are versions of Saami, or they are dialects of ...


6

This is a common phonological process called "lenition", from the Latin for "weakening". There are various causes posited for this, but the simplest can be summarized as language speakers are lazy: we will generally use the least amount of articulatory "effort" to make ourselves understood. Producing a [ɾ] takes less "effort" (tongue and mouth movement) ...


6

This will all make more sense if we replace accent, which is a relative term used mostly by non-linguists, with pronunciation. if there is such thing as "speaking a language without an accent" No, not for any languages that has varying accents (pronunciations), which more than covers all the languages in question. Imagine a multi-dimensional space, ...


5

In a sense, the national language standards of all languages could be said to be 'constructed' (to different degrees). They tend to be more artificial than other dialects and accents, and their histories can often be traced to some more or less purposeful efforts. You also seem to broaden the definition of accent to dialect which includes grammatical forms. ...


5

There are several elements to this issue: Your ability to identify ethnicity is much more likely to be a result of perceiving cultural styles of speaking than anything physiological. You would most likely not be able to replicate this with speakers of other English accents. And even less likely if the speaker was just uttering individual sounds without ...


5

If we define 'accent' to mean a distinctive manner of expressing language characteristic of a particular group(s) then I would say that the answer to your question is yes. All that would be required for such a notion to be possible is a group of people stressing certain modes of their language in certain idiosyncratic ways. This much has been shown to ...


5

I don't know of research, or whether the following is true, but phonological alternations might be due to phonological processes in the speech of native speakers, but due instead to phonological rules in the speech of nonnative speakers. The distinction between rule and process is made in David Stampe's theory Natural Phonology. Rules have to be learned, ...


5

The explanation for flapping, which takes place between vowels within the stress foot, has to do with the general phonetic timing of English segments, and it is a consequence of factors that shorten /t/ in that position. It has been observed that there is a tendency for segment duration to be influenced by whether the stress foot has 1 syllable versus 2, so ...


5

The technical terms in articulatory phonetics for "tipper" and "dipper" are apical and laminal. They are both voiceless alveolar fricatives (IPA: [s]), but since "alveolar" only describes the passive place of articulation, voiceless alveolar fricatives can take many forms, as the Wikipedia article you linked to discusses in detail. Whenever the distinction ...


5

This does indeed happen! It tends to follow the same processes that make whole languages change over time. Just on a smaller scale: smaller area, smaller changes, smaller timespans. (Intuitive example: surely the first American colonists spoke "British English", since what would be the alternative? And look at what that's led to now.) One way to think of it ...


4

The short answer is no, you're not right. If you count auxiliaries as function words, "is" must be a function word, because it's an auxiliary. See Araucaria's answer for why "is" is an auxiliary. I thought I would just add a note here about how grammarians reason about such things. People trained in traditional grammar tend to make nominal arguments ...


4

I work with a large number of non-native English speakers, and probably the biggest indicator of fluency for me is the use of articles (a, an, the), which is what Hippie Trail's answer covers. This is entirely observational, I do not have research to support my findings. Definite articles ("the") are missing. I think this is because in many languages, ...


4

The thing you call "double l" is more generally known as "dark l", and this topic has been researched (inconclusively) for decades. The classic study of the question is Sproat & Fujimura 1993 "Allophonic variation in English /l/ and its implications for phonetic implementation". One problem is that there isn't a well-defined and obvious boundary ...


4

Accents, in this sense, are the result of there being dialects of languages, where the rules of pronunciation differ, depending on the dialect. People say that you have an accent, when your pronunciation diverges noticeably from what is considered standard. I have an American accent, which is considered "accented" from the standard of posh UK dialects, but ...


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