7

I assume you mean 华为; unsimplified 華為; pinyin Huáwéi. This word consists of two syllables, with a diphthong in the first syllable and a triphthong in the second syllable; whatever-phthongs are always within the same syllable. So in this case 2 + 3 does not equal 5.


5

RP has [aɪ] and [aʊ] but no [a]. Phonemically you could analyse these as /æɪ/ or /ɑɪ/, or /æʊ/ or /ɑʊ/ respectively though


5

Attic Greek lacked /w/ and /j/, but had diphthongs /aw/, /ew/, /aj/, /oj/. (It also lacked a short /u/, if you prefer to write /au eu/.)


5

The Old English letter <­g> (specifically not using the overdot as that is a much later convention) is a fickle beast: it pulled double duty as it represented both /g/ (as in <­græf>) and /j/ (as in <­gist>). Because English of the day had no grapheme like <­j>, and since it used <­y> only as a vowel (to mark the front-rounded vowel /y/), it ...


4

In American dialects, the sound in 'hat' is generally /æ/, not /a/. The use of /i/ (meaning /ai/) in the 'fight' vowel would be too long/close; you probably do not pronounce 'might' exactly the same as the phrase 'ma eat'. The vowel in 'might' is shorter/opener, and so /ɪ/ (meaning /aɪ/) is appropriate. (See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diphthong#...


4

A Vietnamese word like khiếu contains a core vowel [i] followed by two off-glides [ɜ] and [w]. The first is definitely not an on-glide. Words of this type are very common in Vietnamese and in other South-East-Asian languages.


4

There are obscure British accents where words spelled with eigh like eight can have a different vowel from words spelled with "long a" like late or words spelled with ay/ai/ey/ei. This is not technically a split, but the lack of a merger that is present in nearly all other accents of English. Historically, eight had a fricative consonant [ç] before the [t],...


4

This pathway of falling diphthong > (long) monophthong > rising diphthong has happened several times in linguistic history. Cf. Classical Latin caelum /ˈkae̯.lum/ with falling diphthong, Vulgar Latin */ˈkɛ.lum/ with monophthong, Castilian Spanish cielo /ˈθjelo/ with glide or rising diphthong. The rising diphthongs [uo] and [ie] are a relatively conspicuous ...


4

It seems this was a combination of: 'ou' being rare in Latin words and only in environments where vowels would undergo changes in the evolution to Spanish, and instances of vowel + consonant transmuting into vowel + u/w in the evolution from Spanish to Latin being lost with back vowels (like o): 8. Adjustments due to vowel syncope ... Finally, ...


4

In England the “Received Pronunciation” (RP) of “ate” is [ɛt], so it is not the same as “eight” [eit]. But the difference that you make, and that you perceive, is clearly based on the orthography: where you see a diphthong you pronounce (and imagine to hear) a diphthong.


4

It really comes down to, what keeps the theory simple while still explaining all the data? In (Kenyan) Swahili, for example, there are affricates /t͡ʃ/ and /d͡ʒ/. We could just as easily call them clusters /tʃ/ and /dʒ/. But is there any advantage to having them be individual? We never find a /ʒ/ on its own, and there are places in the syllable structure ...


4

Standard Mandarin's monophthongs in the usual five vowel analysis /i, u, y, ə, a/ (Pinyin i, u, ü, e, a) [and even if you include the apical vowel /ɨ / or /ɹ̩~ɻ̩/ or /z̩~ʐ̩/, Pinyin i] mean that /o/ and /e/ are only present in diphthongs /ou̯, jou̯, wo, je, ɥe, ei̯, wei̯/ (Pinyin: ou, iou, uo, ie, üe [xue, jue, que, yue], ei, uei [written as wei or ui]), bar ...


3

Latin æ represented /ai̯~ae̯/ and monophthongized later to /e:/. The digraph simply ea represented the sequence /ea/. Old English æ represented the vowel /æ/ or /æ:/, and ea represented the diphthong /æɑ̯/ or /æːɑ̯/. In Middle English, /æ/ merged with /ɑ/ as /a/, and /æ:/ heightened to /ɛ:/ and was written ea. You can read about vowels in Latin or Old ...


3

This is basically the meaning of the tie-marker. If you write [d͡z], you are explicitly claiming that it is a single consonant (commonly known as an affricate); if you write [dz], you're not saying that explicitly, so you might be saying that it is a cluster (or, you're just not bothering with the diacritic). There are a few cases where there is a contrast ...


2

Portuguese certainly has triphtongs: Paraguai - /para'gwai/ luau - /lwaw/ Since the former is an import from Tupi-Guarani via Castillian, I would assume that Castillian has triphtogs too (I would not assume that of Tupi-Guarani because the /gw/ probably originates in a glotal stop, /para'ʔajʔ/). Isn't "why" an example of a Standard English triphtong, /...


2

From an orthographic POV, stress is on the second to last vowel of the word ([púa] "nose", and if there is only a single orthographic vowel but there is an NC sequence before the vowel, the stress is on the nasal (which is syllabic" [ḿbwa] "dog", [ḿtu] "person"). So if I parsed your examples, pattern 1 is right, and you never get pattern 2. Glides would ...


2

As user6726's answer mentions, IPA letters (like [i], [e], [ɪ], [ɨ], [a]) refer to ranges of sounds (phones); for vowel letters, these can be thought of as regions of the "vowel space" (which in turn can be thought of as either an acoustic space (defined by certain frequencies), or a physiological space (defined by tongue position)). And phonemic ...


2

There is no clear boundary between an affricate and a sequence of a stop and fricative of the same place of articulation. So the distinction most often comes down to the purpose of the analysis. For instance, English /ts, dz, tr, dr, tθ, dð, pf, bv/ are phonetically realized like affricates in many environments, but these combinations are usually not ...


2

In some Northern Irish dialects of English, there is a 3 way distinction here, but not as you split it: [ɛ] ate says (take, make, lake, rake )1 2 (bag, fag (feg), gag (geg), lag, nag, rag)2 closed-syllabic [eə ~ ɛə ~ ɪə ~ iə] eight (ate), date, gate, hate, late, mate, rate bake, cake, take, fake, make, lake, rake daze, haze, laze, maze, phase, raise brave,...


2

RP's DRESS vowel is [ɛ]. Its FACE diphthong could be analysed as [ei] or [eɪ] (depending on whether the syllable is open or closed and whether the speaker is a HAPPY-tenser), in which case [e] occurs in diphthongs but not alone. Mind you, those diphthongs could instead be regarded as starting at [ɛ].


2

The Germanic diphthong /au/ became /æa/ (spelled "ea") in stressed syllables. This dipthong was further subject to i-mutation. In the West Saxon dialects, i-mutation of "ea" was <ie> and then later /i/ or /y/ depending on the dialect. The pronunciation of "ie" is disputed. The best proposal I've seen is /iy/, which could ...


1

This is not a technical concept or method of linguistics that you can "look up" based on a name. It is related to something that linguists do, but again that practice doesn't have a specific name that you could read up on. The premise is that speakers of a language can do things with language, and their behavior is informative with respect to ...


1

As fdb said in a comment: These are not diphthongs. They are digraphs It probably is not too surprising that digraphs containing the letter "e" would be used to represent sounds in the area of [e] or [ɛ]. Any further connection than that seems like mainly a coincidence to me. Both of these digraphs have complicated histories involving many sound ...


1

Bear with me, there are a few errors there. Error 1, Typically, brackets ([]) typically are used for precise pronunciations and slashes (//) are typically used for broad transcriptions. *A good example of how vastly different vowels of the same articulation can sound is with the /a/ vowel. In Southern American accents, the diphthong /aɪ/ is replaced with ...


1

There are indeed dialect issues. I presume you are aware that IPA letters represent regions of vowel articulation and not precise points. There is an informal transcriptional practice for vowels that in transcribing a language, one uses the symbol which most closely matches standard reference performances. But this is not an absolute rule, and in fact ...


1

Centering diphthongs are not a "myth" per se: they really exist/existed in some English accents. These accents are not universal, obviously: they are/were only used by certain groups of speakers in certain historical periods. It's true that many modern British English speakers use monophthongs, not centering diphthongs, in words like care, beer, pure. You ...


1

First of all, a caveat: I'd never heard the terms "wide" and "narrow" applied to diphthongs before this question, and after some searching still haven't seen them anywhere except Wikipedia's "Diphthong" article. So I wouldn't say they're particularly standard or widespread. But, using Wikipedia's definition, if you plot the start and end of the diphthong on ...


1

The term "diphthong" is much abused and undefined. The main issue is precisely whether the two elements are "vowels", or might one be a glide. Your transcriptions presuppose that one of the elements is non-syllabic (noting the diacritic), i.e. not a vowel but rather a glide. A requirement of being a "diphthong" is being a sequence within one syllable, so [ai]...


1

Supposing a diphthong not to be a special kind of phoneme, but rather just a combination of a vowel phoneme and a glide phoneme, then if a glide phoneme is uncommon among the languages of the world, so should the corresponding glide part of a phoneme be uncommon. In your question, you mystify us by writing the glide parts of diphthongs as if they were ...


1

From Bernese German: [t͡siəu̯] 'goal' [kfyəu̯] 'feeling' [ʃtuə̯u̯] 'chair' [myəi̯] 'effort,struggle' Since OP asked for regular features: The ones ending in [u̯] are all results of a sound change where coda-/l/ became [u̯] or [u]. So these are simply combinations of earlier diphthongs + /l/. [myəi̯] on the other hand is morphologically complex. The glide ...


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