10

In thinking about this it's important to distinguish between phonetics and phonology. Phonetically a diphthong is a sequence of two vowel targets, wherein the tongue starts at one vowel position and moves to another. For this reason it may sometimes be described as a combination of vowel and glide, but it's best to understand the articulatory facts of what ...


7

I assume you mean 华为; unsimplified 華為; pinyin Huáwéi. This word consists of two syllables, with a diphthong in the first syllable and a triphthong in the second syllable; whatever-phthongs are always within the same syllable. So in this case 2 + 3 does not equal 5.


5

The Old English letter <­g> (specifically not using the overdot as that is a much later convention) is a fickle beast: it pulled double duty as it represented both /g/ (as in <­græf>) and /j/ (as in <­gist>). Because English of the day had no grapheme like <­j>, and since it used <­y> only as a vowel (to mark the front-rounded vowel /y/), it ...


5

Attic Greek lacked /w/ and /j/, but had diphthongs /aw/, /ew/, /aj/, /oj/. (It also lacked a short /u/, if you prefer to write /au eu/.)


5

RP has [aɪ] and [aʊ] but no [a]. Phonemically you could analyse these as /æɪ/ or /ɑɪ/, or /æʊ/ or /ɑʊ/ respectively though


4

A Vietnamese word like khiếu contains a core vowel [i] followed by two off-glides [ɜ] and [w]. The first is definitely not an on-glide. Words of this type are very common in Vietnamese and in other South-East-Asian languages.


4

It seems this was a combination of: 'ou' being rare in Latin words and only in environments where vowels would undergo changes in the evolution to Spanish, and instances of vowel + consonant transmuting into vowel + u/w in the evolution from Spanish to Latin being lost with back vowels (like o): 8. Adjustments due to vowel syncope ... Finally, ...


4

In England the “Received Pronunciation” (RP) of “ate” is [ɛt], so it is not the same as “eight” [eit]. But the difference that you make, and that you perceive, is clearly based on the orthography: where you see a diphthong you pronounce (and imagine to hear) a diphthong.


4

It really comes down to, what keeps the theory simple while still explaining all the data? In (Kenyan) Swahili, for example, there are affricates /t͡ʃ/ and /d͡ʒ/. We could just as easily call them clusters /tʃ/ and /dʒ/. But is there any advantage to having them be individual? We never find a /ʒ/ on its own, and there are places in the syllable structure ...


4

This pathway of falling diphthong > (long) monophthong > rising diphthong has happened several times in linguistic history. Cf. Classical Latin caelum /ˈkae̯.lum/ with falling diphthong, Vulgar Latin */ˈkɛ.lum/ with monophthong, Castilian Spanish cielo /ˈθjelo/ with glide or rising diphthong. The rising diphthongs [uo] and [ie] are a relatively conspicuous ...


4

Standard Mandarin's monophthongs in the usual five vowel analysis /i, u, y, ə, a/ (Pinyin i, u, ü, e, a) [and even if you include the apical vowel /ɨ / or /ɹ̩~ɻ̩/ or /z̩~ʐ̩/, Pinyin i] mean that /o/ and /e/ are only present in diphthongs /ou̯, jou̯, wo, je, ɥe, ei̯, wei̯/ (Pinyin: ou, iou, uo, ie, üe [xue, jue, que, yue], ei, uei [written as wei or ui]), bar ...


3

Latin æ represented /ai̯~ae̯/ and monophthongized later to /e:/. The digraph simply ea represented the sequence /ea/. Old English æ represented the vowel /æ/ or /æ:/, and ea represented the diphthong /æɑ̯/ or /æːɑ̯/. In Middle English, /æ/ merged with /ɑ/ as /a/, and /æ:/ heightened to /ɛ:/ and was written ea. You can read about vowels in Latin or Old ...


3

In American dialects, the sound in 'hat' is generally /æ/, not /a/. The use of /i/ (meaning /ai/) in the 'fight' vowel would be too long/close; you probably do not pronounce 'might' exactly the same as the phrase 'ma eat'. The vowel in 'might' is shorter/opener, and so /ɪ/ (meaning /aɪ/) is appropriate. (See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diphthong#...


3

This is basically the meaning of the tie-marker. If you write [d͡z], you are explicitly claiming that it is a single consonant (commonly known as an affricate); if you write [dz], you're not saying that explicitly, so you might be saying that it is a cluster (or, you're just not bothering with the diacritic). There are a few cases where there is a contrast ...


3

There are obscure British accents where words spelled with eigh like eight can have a different vowel from words spelled with "long a" like late or words spelled with ay/ai/ey/ei. This is not technically a split, but the lack of a merger that is present in nearly all other accents of English. Historically, eight had a fricative consonant [ç] before the [t],...


3

Defining a diphthong as a sequence of two vowels may not be correct. A diphthong is a sequence comprising a vowel and a glide, at least, according to the Summer Institute of Linguistics: http://www-01.sil.org/linguistics/GlossaryOflinguisticTerms/WhatIsADiphthong.htm A glide, or semivowel, is defined at https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Glide_%...


2

In fact, loosely speaking, there is just one continuous vibration or wave in one syllable with one, two or more vowels. Those syllables with more than one vowel are just due to the writing system, and it just designates the location of tongue when the tongue moves, not saying that two vowels are put together to form part of one syllable or one syllable. You ...


2

The other answers have raised many important aspects why diphthongs are a useful concept, and I'd like to add some points that I personally feel are crucial in this debate. Proofs I'm not sure insisting on a proof of the existence of diphthongs will help you understand why many use the concept diphthong to analyse language. There is no proof that they exist ...


2

You asked if English diphthongs could be analyzed instead as long vowels, but that doesn't make sense. Long vowels don't change in quality (phonologically) over their duration. But you are asking about sounds such as "hey", "no", "cow", "toy", which clearly do change. Actually, I realize you probably have a confusion of definitions between linguistic long ...


2

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diphthong Here is what I used the last time I searched for the same thing before this website. Diphthongs are considered one phoneme with two targets, meaning the tongue moves during the pronunciation of the vowel.


2

Portuguese certainly has triphtongs: Paraguai - /para'gwai/ luau - /lwaw/ Since the former is an import from Tupi-Guarani via Castillian, I would assume that Castillian has triphtogs too (I would not assume that of Tupi-Guarani because the /gw/ probably originates in a glotal stop, /para'ʔajʔ/). Isn't "why" an example of a Standard English triphtong, /...


2

From an orthographic POV, stress is on the second to last vowel of the word ([púa] "nose", and if there is only a single orthographic vowel but there is an NC sequence before the vowel, the stress is on the nasal (which is syllabic" [ḿbwa] "dog", [ḿtu] "person"). So if I parsed your examples, pattern 1 is right, and you never get pattern 2. Glides would ...


2

As user6726's answer mentions, IPA letters (like [i], [e], [ɪ], [ɨ], [a]) refer to ranges of sounds (phones); for vowel letters, these can be thought of as regions of the "vowel space" (which in turn can be thought of as either an acoustic space (defined by certain frequencies), or a physiological space (defined by tongue position)). And phonemic ...


2

In some Northern Irish dialects of English, there is a 3 way distinction here, but not as you split it: [ɛ] ate says (take, make, lake, rake )1 2 (bag, fag (feg), gag (geg), lag, nag, rag)2 closed-syllabic [eə ~ ɛə ~ ɪə ~ iə] eight (ate), date, gate, hate, late, mate, rate bake, cake, take, fake, make, lake, rake daze, haze, laze, maze, phase, raise brave,...


2

There is no clear boundary between an affricate and a sequence of a stop and fricative of the same place of articulation. So the distinction most often comes down to the purpose of the analysis. For instance, English /ts, dz, tr, dr, tθ, dð, pf, bv/ are phonetically realized like affricates in many environments, but these combinations are usually not ...


2

RP's DRESS vowel is [ɛ]. Its FACE diphthong could be analysed as [ei] or [eɪ] (depending on whether the syllable is open or closed and whether the speaker is a HAPPY-tenser), in which case [e] occurs in diphthongs but not alone. Mind you, those diphthongs could instead be regarded as starting at [ɛ].


2

The Germanic diphthong /au/ became /æa/ (spelled "ea") in stressed syllables. This dipthong was further subject to i-mutation. In the West Saxon dialects, i-mutation of "ea" was <ie> and then later /i/ or /y/ depending on the dialect. The pronunciation of "ie" is disputed. The best proposal I've seen is /iy/, which could ...


1

As fdb said in a comment: These are not diphthongs. They are digraphs It probably is not too surprising that digraphs containing the letter "e" would be used to represent sounds in the area of [e] or [ɛ]. Any further connection than that seems like mainly a coincidence to me. Both of these digraphs have complicated histories involving many sound ...


1

Centering diphthongs are not a "myth" per se: they really exist/existed in some English accents. These accents are not universal, obviously: they are/were only used by certain groups of speakers in certain historical periods. It's true that many modern British English speakers use monophthongs, not centering diphthongs, in words like care, beer, pure. You ...


1

Bear with me, there are a few errors there. Error 1, Typically, brackets ([]) typically are used for precise pronunciations and slashes (//) are typically used for broad transcriptions. *A good example of how vastly different vowels of the same articulation can sound is with the /a/ vowel. In Southern American accents, the diphthong /aɪ/ is replaced with ...


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