31

What you are looking for is a tautological place name. Other examples are East Timor (East East - English/Indonesian), The La Brea Tar Pits (The "The Tar" Tar Pits - Spanish/English), and Glendale (Valley Valley - Gaelic/Danish).


18

I was going to write you an e-mail but I'll write my answer here instead ;) First, most Indo-European scholars disregard the ergative hypothesis. However, I do not know any other reason for the equation of the neuter nominative and accusative. So, I'd like to present the reason why I believe that a prestage of PIE was an ergative language. In most Indo-...


18

Etymology was the term used for both concepts up to the early 20th century. Then de Saussure postulated the incompatibility of diachrony and synchrony and nothing was ever the same again. Etymology is a study of the history of words' form and/or meaning, and history implies diachrony. Thus, the word lord comes from Old English hlafweard "one who guards the ...


14

Here is a relevant Wikipedia article: Nominal TAM There is a fair amount of literature that mentions the existence of languages that mark tense on nouns; the first result I found on Google was this paper by Judith Tonhauser, "Towards an Understanding of the Meaning of Nominal Tense" (2005), about Paraguayan Guaraní. Depending on the language, the meaning of ...


13

Look into the Bantu languages, such as Swahili. Tense, aspect, and subject agreement are all marked at the beginning of the verb.


13

Since Bantu has been mentioned, I won't mention it again, much. I'll mention Athabaskan, Ket (not Athabaskan but probably related), Semitic, Berber, Coptic, Bongo, Krongo, Nilotic, Nyulnyul, Gooniyandi, Tiwi, Lenakel, Camsá, Cayuvava, Seri, Nahuatl, Lakota. You can get more examples here. That said, if you mean "only prefixing, with no suffixing at all", ...


12

Eleven and twelve are remnants of a duodecimal system which still shows up in words like dozen. There have to be 12 unique base units for duodecimal, just as there have to be 16 for hexadecimal. They're not always present, however. And the other numbers between 10 and 20 show quite a lot of variation, even in European languages, as you point out for various ...


12

Although it may be tempting to look back towards Old English prototypes, one has to be aware of the time depth of any neologism. That's why finding the first occurrence is so important. The interjection yeet! and the noun yeet (referring to the dance) is dated to 2014 on Vine, which came into more common use among teenagers about the end of 2017. It appears ...


11

The diphthongization of front and back mid vowels that's referred to here is an historical process moving from Classical Latin to Vulgar Latin to Castilian Spanish, over about a millennium. This is the way it works: Classical Latin (ca 0 CE) had long and short vowels. Vulgar Latin (ca 0-1500 CE) lost the Classical vowel length distinction. Vulgar Latin ...


11

The similarity is due to a common pathway of grammaticalistion. The have + past participle form comes from a resultative construction (Bybee, Perkins and Pagliuca, 1994), which commonly leads to the perfect. Note that Bybee et al. do not use the term resultative in the usual complex-predicate sense, but use it to mean sentences like 'The door is opened', ...


11

I don't think a number system can be inherently wrong any more than gravity can be wrong; but a system can be confusing from a historical perspective. Numbers seems to be highly subject to reanalyses. From that number page, you can get additional examples of Mixe-Zoque numerals. These are the numerals 1-12 in Quetzaltepec Mixe, Juquila Mixe, Chuxnaban Mixe, ...


11

This question is a bit complicated. -ity is not really a productive suffix in English; it is the English outcome of the Latin suffix -itas. In the transition from Latin to Romance the sound represented by the letter “c”, if followed by a high front vowel, becomes first /ts/ and then, in French and in the French and Latin loan words in English, /s/. So there ...


10

These two forms are not equivalent. It is true that anywhere the -se forms are used in Spanish, the -ra forms can be used, but the opposite is not true. So while both these pairs are fully equivalent: No estaba seguro de que viniera/viniese. [both imperfect subjunctive forms freely interchangeable](I wasn’t sure he was coming.) Después de que llegara/...


10

First, I'll point to a previous question on this SE, What meaningful distinction is there between morphology and syntax?. I'll just present one line of approach. A seminal article is Mark Baker's 1985 The Mirror Principle and morphosyntactic explanation, wherein he defines the Mirror Principle as follows: Morphological derivations must directly reflect ...


10

Athabaskan languages would be the "most prefixing", in (a) being almost or in fact exclusively prefixing and (b) allowing many prefixes (11 positions). Papers on Navaho include this, as well as J. Kari Navajo Verb Prefix Phonology and Young & Morgan The Navajo Language. One can check information from the related language Sekani, and it seems that the ...


10

The most important fact about "morpheme" is that it is a claim about the state of a language as it exists at a specific time; it is a concept of synchronic analysis, not diachronic analysis (etymology). There have been numerous attempts to "define the morpheme", i.e. give a succinct statement allowing you to know that this is a morpheme and that is not. One ...


9

There is no real way to predict the perfect stem or the supine stem (past-participle stem) of a Latin verb; there are only probabilities. One normally learns the past stems of a verb along with its present stem and conjugation group if they are irregular. The regular suffix to form the perfect stem is by adding -v- to the present stem, so after the theme ...


9

In Latin, and similarly in other languages, the apposite is in the same case as its antecedent, for example "Ego, Claudius" (I, Claudius, both nominative), "Me, Claudium, vidit" (he saw me, Claudius, both accusative.)


9

These all derive from the original Proto-Indo-European inflections. Compare Classical Latin present-tense verb endings: sg pl 1 amō amāmus 2 amās amātis 3 amat amant And Ancient Greek (Attic, transliterated): sg pl 1 lȳō lȳomen 2 lȳeis lȳete 3 lȳei lȳousin And Modern German: sg pl 1 liebe lieben 2 liebst liebet 3 liebt ...


9

To the excellent answer by @WavesWashSands I'll only add that some Latin verbs employed a perfective construction with the verb esse "to be" and a participle, which at some point could have motivated the appearance of the other well-known pattern for the compound perfect as found in Italian and French, for example: Siamo arrivati. "We have arrived." (lit. "...


9

There are examples like this, and we all use that example every day. Look how Arabic digits look like, compared to Devanagari, Gujarati, and other Indic scripts. "૫ ૬ ૭ ૮" are "5 6 7 8" correspondingly, but they visually resemble "4 5 6 7". Source: Wikipedia


9

As I understand your interest, you don't need the relationship to be English (monomorphemic) to Other (polymorphemic), it works just as well if you have English being the polymorphemic example and Other being the monomorphemic example. North Saami [gabba] is "all-white reindeer" – there are other words for various coloring, sexes and ages of reindeer, also ...


9

The specific process that you are referring to is called "Velar Softening".


8

The reason is no doubt that, as in many other languages, the complementizer/conjunction introducing indirect speech comes from a neuter relative pronoun. The archaic/hypothetical construction was "I tell you that, that happened..." (meaning "I tell you that, which happened"), or "I tell you, what happened...". This neuter ...


8

Starting with your last request that the answer be based on morphology, this is, in fact, one of the problems of compounding, because it's not entirely a morphological phenomenon. Compound gradience Compounding is gradient, ranging from lexical to phrasal to clausal compounds. Here are some examples: (1) [[dark-]room] :: lexical (...


8

The connecting vowel in Ancient Greek compounds depends on the declension of the first noun: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3A1999.04.0007%3Apart%3D3%3Achapter%3D24 If the first noun is first declension, the connecting vowel was originally -ā- : agor-ā-nomos 'market clerk', nik-ē-phoros 'bringing victory' (-ē- is the Ionic for -...


8

The etymology is not entirely certain. The historical linguist Manfred Mayrhofer in his Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindoarischen (vol. 1, pg. 37) essentially says (this is paraphrased from German): nā́raka (often with lóka) is most likely from the vriddhi form of nar- "man" which perhaps implies that nā́raka is the final place for flawed (?) men, in ...


8

The general rule that I learned is: if it comes before the root, it's a prefix; if it comes after the root, it's a suffix; if it comes inside the root itself, it's an infix; if it comes both before and after, it's a circumfix. Thus, your am-er-emo would be root-suffix-suffix, even though one comes closer to the verb than the other. On the other hand, this ...


8

One easy source for this is words that used to be polymorphemic, but fossilized by the time they reached English. For example, "desire", "depend", "destroy", "descend", and "delete" are irreducible in English: there are no verbs *sire, *pend, *stroy, *scend, and *lete. However, in Latin, de- was a productive derivational prefix meaning "down, from, away", ...


8

An example that springs to mind: English "love" vs. Danish "kærlighed", which is actually tri-morphemic, consisting of "kær" (dear), "-lig" (derivational morpheme creating adjectives, thus "kærlig" = "loving") and "-hed" (derivational morpheme creating nouns from adjectives, like English "-ness").


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