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45

English syntax makes a distinction between auxiliary verbs and full verbs. (Note that this answer is only talking about English; other languages do things differently. And as people have pointed out in the comments, specifically my Midwestern American dialect: British and Irish readers will probably disagree with several of my grammaticality judgements, ...


16

IPA doesn't make that decision. However, conventionally, stress is marked at the beginning of the syllable. The implication of transcribing the word as [gəˈʃtɔlt] is that the onset of the stressed syllable is [ʃt], not just [t]. If /t/ were at the beginning of a stressed syllable, it would be aspirated, thus *[gəʃˈtʰɔlt], which is wrong. Lack of aspiration ...


11

You can't delete a vowel and also stress it. That's obvious. So deleting a vowel prevents stressing it, and stressing a vowel prevents deleting it. A principle of English stress is that the last stressed vowel in the last word of a phrase bears the main stress in that phrase -- this is the Nuclear Stress Rule, or NSR. Putting these two things together, we ...


8

Whether we call something a "phoneme" or not depends on the kind of theory and analysis. It’s just an arbitrary tool of description. Some linguists will lump together tones and vowels/consonants as "phonemes", if your definition of "phoneme" is some property of speech that distinguishes meaning. In other analyses tones may be categorised separately as "...


7

I'm afraid the most satisfying answer I can give is, these things just change over time, without a solid reason. It's like asking why the vowels in Middle English chain-shifted so dramatically: vowels just tend to shift, and there's no universal pattern to it. In Old Latin, in particular, the stress had already shifted from the complex rules of Proto-Indo-...


7

user6726's answer explains nicely what it means to have the stress marker in that position (it shows where the syllables are divided). But if your question was less "what does this notation mean" and more "why did the transcriber choose to break syllables there, instead of between the consonants"… There's a phonological maxim called the "Maximum Onset ...


7

The background assumption is that there are rules of diphthongization where tense vowels /ō ē ī ū ǣ / become [uw, iy, ay, aw, ey], the latter being written various ways in contemporary transcriptional practice, esp. using "j" for "y" in the IPA. When a vowel is laxed, you get [ɔ ɛ ɪ ʊ æ] though for lax /u/ the derivation and outcome ...


6

It depends what you mean by "consonant". In Swahili you can see stress on nasals, as in mtu /ˈm̩.tu/ "person". In Cantonese, similarly, you see nasals with tone: 五 ng5 /ŋ˩˧/ "five" versus 悟 ng6 /ŋ˨/ "to realize". However, this only applies to syllabic nasals: nasals that can form the core of a syllable. And one common definition of "vowel" is "syllabic ...


6

This has not been elevated to the status of a special term. There is some generality to the pattern and is discussed in the phonological literature. In English, verbs versus nouns have different stress patterns, having to do with whether final consonant clusters force final stress (in verbs) or not (in nouns). In addition, one can use nouns as verbs and vice ...


6

Of course there is the term homograph for words sharing the same spelling, but I am not aware for a special term of homographs that are essentially distinguished by their stress patterns.


5

Taking economy into account as well, I think the problem doesn't come from the economist, but from economics: economy has stress on the second syllable. economist has stress on the second syllable too - hence, adding the suffix -ist doesn't change stress, like the site suggests. economics has stress on the third (second-to-last) syllable and is thus ...


5

See the figure. Line 1 is stress timed (secondary stress ignored) and line 2 is syllable timed. IIRC, the time between each dot is the same.


5

Here's a summary of most common exceptions (based on Belov 2007, Borovskii and Boldyrev 1975, Sihler 1995, Tronskii 2001): word final: illic (from illice), istuc (from istuce), adhuc (from adhuce), addic (from addice), adduc (from adduce); NOM.SG.M. ending in -as or -is (originally, -atis and -itis respectively); e.g. nostras, Arpinas, Maecenas, Samnis etc....


5

The primary problem that metrical trees are intended to solve is the representational problem of what the rule system actually produces. Prior to L&P 77 and as exemplified by the SPE analysis of stress, stress was a feature with scalar values theoretically ranging from 0 to infinity, though in practice values were capped at 5 because of this embarassment ...


5

I have to first point out that "represent" is ambiguous in linguistics: it could refer to a mental object, such as "the representation of tone in the (mental) grammar of Chinese", or it could refer to writing practices – how to notate a thing. I take it that you are asking about notation rather than the underlying mental thing. Even so, there is a difference ...


5

Unfortunately, I don't think that there is any known satisfactory explanation. "Why" questions can be difficult to answer even for well-documented linguistic phenomena, and I have the impression that we don't even know much about when and how the penultimate/antepenultimate stress pattern of Classical Latin developed. There's not much evidence ...


4

There are a number of accounts of this fact. Without trying to go back to the earliest linguistic accounts of this, the Sound Pattern of English by Chomsky & Halle has a account of stress-levels, especially regarding the difference between words versus phrases. The basic generalization is that within a word, stress would go on the penult in words like ...


4

There are two main types of "stress". The first is what we still call stress, which refers to word stress, sometimes called lexical stress. The position of the stress may be completely predictable by surface-oriented rule, or may involve a mix of rules and lexical specifications such as in English "callow" vs. "allow". Within the set of such stresses, ...


4

There are multiple technical explanations, depending on theoretical framework, but one non-technical way to look at it is that you have to include an "actual verb" in the response, where the verb is "stressed" (emphasized, put in focus). You can't say "*I'll", but you can say "I will"; you can also say "I'll go", "I won't, so it's not that you can't do ...


3

You are right to say that the difference between these is one of stress. "White House" has a single stress on the first syllable, "white house" has an equal stress on both syllables. Linguistically the difference is that "White House" is a compound, while "white house" is an adjective-plus-noun phrase.


3

No, on numerous levels. On a token level, sometimes a stressed syllable doesn't have higher F0 and could have a lower F0. More systematically, in some dialects of English there are intonational pitch overlays on word stress whereby stressed syllables are actually lower than unstressed syllables. You might conjecture that looking just at the robust patterns ...


3

I'm a native speaker of American English, and none of the examples you have given strikes me as marked in any way. I don't know what the latest discourse-structure-based theories of focus would say about these examples, but my intuition is that they illustrate focus avoidance on "given" constituents. men, food, and guy are somehow "given" in their ...


3

Aronson (1990) gives the following rules for stress-assignment in Georgian: less than 4 syllables in word -> stress on 1st OR antepenultimate syllable 5 or more syllables in word -> stress on 1st AND antepenultimate syllables Robins & Waterson (1952) give an alternative, less compact (but perhaps more readable) set of rules: 2 syllables -> ...


3

It's called analogy, and besides competition there is also competitor (already with two t's) suggesting the form to competete. Looking at the Latin original forms (competere, competo, competivi, competitum) the creation of the form to compete looks irregular, it should be something like to competite using the most prevalent borrowing pattern of modern ...


3

I also don't know of any ready-made tool that does this. It would be very helpful to know roughly what you were hoping to use this for, since that would dictate exactly what kind of tool you would need to use. Praat of course has the ability to quantify many of the phonetic correlates of stress, such as pitch and volume, so if that's all you need then there ...


3

Searching online returns quite a few results, some of which are quite tailored to your needs: Tepperman, J., & Narayanan, S. (2005, March). Automatic syllable stress detection using prosodic features for pronunciation evaluation of language learners. In 2005 IEEE International Conference on Acoustics, Speech, and Signal Processing (ICASSP) Proceedings (...


3

First, word stress can be computed with reference to syntactic properties, so "the first syllable of a verb is stressed" (as opposed to perhaps the penult in nouns) is perfectly possible. This may be outside the scope of what you're looking for, since stress assignment would not refer to properties of other words, it would refer to morphological information ...


3

Stress in English often marks Focus, often some kind of contrastive focus. Your paraphrase is what would be meant by a neutral version of that sentence with no emphasised words. John is easy to recognise = It is easy to recognise John When John is emphasised we listeners are to understand that John has focus and that what is being said may be counter to ...


3

More or less by definition, "emphasis" means "communicating importance". In spoken language there is a common method of signalling importance, via "intonation". Written forms of languages can do the same thing, using capital letters, bold face, underlining, italics, and other combinations. Not all languages are written, so not all languages use graphic ...


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