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The diachronic study of language and its evolution.

36 votes

Why is Edenics not recognized as a serious linguistic theory?

As an addendum to cyco130's excellent answer, it's easy to see based on simple math that resemblances like the ones you cite can tell us nothing about language relationship. From looking at some of t …
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1 vote
2 answers
390 views

Has any Indic language spirantized its voiceless aspirates? If not, why not?

Many or most Indic languages possess voiceless aspirated stops. Cross-linguistically, such stops often turn into fricatives: e.g., in Indo-European, this happened in Greek, in Iranian, and probably in …
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4 votes

Apart from French, does any language have voicing-dependent change of place of articulation?

Not quite parallel but at least similarly asymmetrical: in Ancient Greek, *ky > [tt] / [ss] depending on dialect, while *gy > [zd] / [dz]. Presumably both went through an affricate stage of some kind. …
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4 votes

Apart from French, does any language have voicing-dependent change of place of articulation?

Another Ancient Greek example is the treatment of Proto-Indo-European labiovelars before /i/. The voiceless labiovelar *kʷ became dental /t/, while the voiced *gʷ became labial /b/: *kʷis 'who' > τί …
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7 votes

Where do Latin and Greek words come from?

Latin and Greek, just like English, are Indo-European languages: they're descended from an ancestor language called Proto-Indo-European (PIE), which we know relatively little about because it was spok …
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2 votes

In old Greek did γγ ever replace κκ in the way Attic uses ττ for Ionic σσ?

To answer your second question first -- yes, in the combination γγ the first gamma is always pronounced as a nasal, e.g. ἄγγελος angelos (not aggelos). To the question in your title, no, there is no …
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7 votes

Is Ruki sound law a Satem "Rhotacism"

No. Some instances of Proto-Indo-European *s were rhotacized in Germanic; some instances of PIE *s went to /x/ in Slavic by the Ruki rule. There is some overlap between the two sets, but the environme …
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5 votes
Accepted

Is there a PIE feminising noun suffix?

The main PIE feminine derivational suffix was -ih2: compare *deiu-o- 'god' with *deiu-ih2 'goddess' (Skt. devī). Incidentally, this suffix is actually the indirect source of the Greek suffix -ssa: wh …
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3 votes

History of languages from a geographical perspective

Nicholas Ostler's Empires of the Word should fit the bill.
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8 votes
4 answers
361 views

Place feature metathesis

Familiar cases of metathesis involve segments changing places, but metathesis can also operate at the subsegmental level, affecting individual features. I'm specifically interested in metathesis of PO …
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7 votes
Accepted

Why do Ancient Greek words have "εί" from PIE "e"?

[Mods feel free to migrate to Latin SE if appropriate.] This is part of the "first compensatory lengthening", a set of regular Greek sound changes involving the loss of PIE/Proto-Greek *y and *s. In t …
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2 votes
2 answers
1k views

Examples of discrete place-of-articulation changes

Most sound changes that involve consonantal place of articulation are gradual changes between two POAs that are contiguous: for example, a velar gets gradually fronted until it becomes a palatal. What …
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4 votes
2 answers
703 views

Is Brugmann's Law controversial?

The Indo-European sound change known as Brugmann's Law states that PIE *o became ā in an open syllable in Indo-Iranian. The Wiki page calls the law "controversial" and says that "Brugmann's Law has fe …
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3 votes

Could someone illuminate for me how PGmc *suma and *sama(n) were derived?

They are indeed both from the same PIE root, which however is reconstructed with a laryngeal, *semH-. PGmc *sama- "same" is a thematic derivative from the o-grade of this root, *somH-o-, found in man …
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6 votes
Accepted

What is the approximate time of the loss of the intervocalic /s/ in Greek?

The loss of intervocalic s is one of the defining features of Proto-Greek: that is, it occurred before the earliest attested Greek and is common to all the Greek dialects. It is thought to have gone t …
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